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Thus his "breakup" with Aura was actually expected and amicable: indeed, their relationship lasted almost an entire day, which is actually quite long by Cat standards. The episode doesn't fully explain what happened to the Cat fleet that left Red Dwarf in search of Earth, but it does reveal that at least some Cats were left behind on different planets or captured by slavers, spreading out amidst deep space.


The episode was not produced due to the high cost of creating a marketplace inside a whole tribal village of Brefewino, other assorted GELFs and their Felis sapiens slaves. It was performed entirely by Chris Barrie , who is himself a professional voice artist and voices both his character, Arnold Rimmer, and the rest of the cast.

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. This article does not cite any sources. Please help improve this article by adding citations to reliable sources.

Unsourced material may be challenged and removed. December Learn how and when to remove this template message. Red Dwarf episodes. Back to Earth.

The idea of places as clusters of. The following passage provides two hypothetical examples of the multiplicity of places, at different scales, that are important to people. A couple living in an apartment house in Milwaukee regards their neighborhood—their city block and a few adjoining blocks—as their place, because the nodes of home, common space of the apartment house, and stretches of sidewalk are important in their lives.

However, they also regard the school district as their place, because another important node in their social network is the high school that their children attend. The school district is important even though the high school is several miles away from home—well out of the neighborhood. The couple regards both the neighborhood and the school district as their places, even though the two are based on different notions of near.

The couple also regards the city of Milwaukee and some of its suburbs as their place, perhaps because both of them work in that region— though at different sites—and the economic prosperity of the entire metropolitan area is important to them. A good local transportation system in the metropolitan area as a whole, for both people and goods, will increase their access to a range of public and private services, products, and cultural and natural amenities.

The metropolitan region is also meaningful because of its cultural heritage, loyalty to certain sports teams, and homes of extended family members. The entire State of Wisconsin is also an important place for this couple in the sense that they feel they belong to it and visit other locations in the state frequently. All these different scales of place are relevant to a consideration of livability for this couple and how accessibility and transportation factor into this equation.

However, for another couple living in the same apartment house, the situation is different. Although they regard the neighborhood and the Milwaukee metropolitan region as their places, they do not care about the intermediate-scale place of the school district nor the high school, and do not even know what district they live in. They pay little attention to other areas in Wisconsin, although they do care about a region far away in the Pacific Northwest, which they visit frequently for extended periods. While it is important to recognize the multiplicity of places in the life of each person, the notion of place is very much bound up with the notion of home.

For most people, the home is one of the most important nodes, and the nature of social interaction and of mobility is that many other relevant nodes are close to home. To the question, In what place do you live? This tendency is reinforced if the person works regularly and the work site is near the home; in this case it is common for the individual to say that the two nodes are in the same place, and this rough-and-ready notion underlies the official definition in government statistics, for example of metropolitan areas and local labor markets.

This tendency is also reinforced if some individuals in the home attend school nearby. Other nodes are important—places to shop, worship, volunteer, get medical care, be entertained, play, commune with nature, and visit friends or family members—but it is fair to say that home, work site, and school are the most important nodes for a very large number of people. On the other hand, we cannot ignore the fact that one or more of those three basic nodes are not significant at all for some groups, such as the elderly.

Individuals do not have complete freedom to choose all the nodes or places that are important to them and that influence livability over their lifetimes. The following description of the concept of time geography illustrates the constraints and the importance of both space and time in conditioning human movement within and between places.

The space-time path is a central concept. Figure 2. A steepening flattening of the path indicates that the person must trade more less time for space in movement. There are three kinds of constraints that limit the range Golledge and Stimson, For example, capability constraints might lead one to devote a large amount time to physiological necessities such as sleeping, eating, and personal care, and these usually can occur at a limited number of locations, but transportation technologies could facilitate mobility from one of those locations. Coupling constraints refer to the need to coordinate—to coincide in both space and time with other persons—in order to produce, consume, and participate in social activities.

Exhibition | ‘Within and Without: Body Image and the Self’ at BMAG

A job may require presence at a work site for a fixed number of hours per week. However, stores, medical facilities, and government offices are at limited numbers of locations in space and are open at limited hours. Authority constraints are legal, economic, and social barriers that restrict the ability to be in particular locations at certain times. Gated suburban communities illustrate the attempt to impose authority constraints on nonresidents.

The growth of spatial data in digital form and. In Figure 2. We can represent changes over time by putting several different paths on the same diagram, with each one applying to a different year, for example.

Exhibition | 'Within and Without: Body Image and the Self' at BMAG | Ruth Millington

One path is for one slice of time, say the current year, while others are for representative past or future years, and each shows a different diurnal pattern. The series of paths captures changes in the place and in the person, illustrating the evolution of the life course—for example, changes in the proportion of time spent working—and also changing natural and built environments, social structures, and transportation technology.

For a person who changes places, the changes from one slice to another might be more marked because they also capture differences between places. Every brief definition has its problems, and an especially important complication for a definition of place based on nodes is created by political boundaries.

Tim Keller: You can't find your identity within yourself

In practice, including transportation planning, political jurisdictions are meaningful places for all residents, even if the residents do not frequently interact. These jurisdictions are towns and townships, cities, counties, school districts, special districts created for public utilities including transportation utilities , and many others. Even the state and nation are important; for some persons, national-level policies are the ones that matter the most. The fact is that political units create many common experiences for people, such as common educational experiences in school districts , common tax rates and regulations, and common standards of public goods and services provided in the jurisdiction.

In creating these common experiences, governments affect the quality of life in many ways, for example, by affecting the quality of public services, by regulations, and by explicit and implicit redistribution of income. Therefore, although one should resist the temptation to identify every place with some political jurisdiction, which is an unfortunate tendency in many sources of data, one must nevertheless recognize that political places are important. This clearly is necessary when considering any aspect of planning, financing, building, and operating transportation facilities including highways, public transportation, ports, and airports.

Yet recognizing political jurisdictions and collecting data on them are not sufficient for answering questions about livability. A major feature of. This characteristic distinguishes political places from other nodes of interaction whose boundaries are flexible or difficult to identify. The inflexibility of political boundaries, when coupled with constraints on residential mobility created by segmented housing markets and discrimination, has important implications for inequality because political units are so important in the distribution of resources.

An exception is the boundaries of legislative districts, which change more frequently and play a role in how places are affected by national and state allocation and redistribution decisions. The natural and built environments of a place are essential to social interactions. They are essential characteristics of the place, have powerful influences, and play a dual role.

These environments affect livability directly, by their inherent quality. Finally, the natural and built environments of a place show dynamic feedback effects, in that they condition individual behavior and are in turn affected and transformed by that behavior. They also impose inertia on social change and contribute to path dependence by virtue of containing some relatively long-lived features that human activity can change, but usually only gradually. Natural environments of places evolve over time because of ecosystem dynamics, extreme geophysical events such as earthquakes , and anthropogenic or human-induced changes pavement, river channeling, erosion, and other effects on soil fertility; removal of vegetation; and even climate change.

However, in recent decades there has been an appropriately heightened sensitivity, especially to anthropogenic changes. In most places though, the human changes are slow; the natural setting provides long-lasting common elements in the history of. Although many important aspects of the natural environment are very slow to change, some natural features can change quickly. Air and water quality can deteriorate or improve relatively rapidly because pollution loads can change quickly and their accumulated stocks can have relatively quick effects.

While there is a sharp difference in degree, the built environment— buildings and infrastructure—is also relatively durable. The costs of change are lower than the costs of changes in the natural environment, but they are not trivial. These costs often inhibit change by making it economically impractical, even when possible in principle. Oftentimes, adding a new component requires substantial capital and produces returns only over a substantial period, thus inhibiting additions. If demolition of existing buildings or infrastructure is also required, there is even greater inhibition because the old capital has some productivity.

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It is not only the durability of individual buildings, highways, streets, and other pieces of infrastructure that is relevant, but also the durability of entire assemblages. The durability of the built environment is a significant barrier to changes in the urban form of metropolitan areas that would make mass transportation economically viable. It is hard to change existing low-density, highway-oriented urban areas into more compact, high-density urban forms that would benefit from such transportation systems.

Anthony Downs , , has discussed the various possibilities. Economic, social, and political structures, on many scales influence economic production and consumption, flows of goods, and movement of populations between places.

2. Naming of names

Public, private, and nonprofit institutions that mediate between social structures and individuals wield power in shaping allocation, distribution, investment, trade, and resource extraction decisions—decisions that can dramatically transform places. Thus, we have again a mutual feedback process in connection with the natural and the built environments. It is generally recognized that local social capital often.

This distinctive culture, which affects the local economy and especially local politics, is something that long-time residents, newcomers, and external scholarly observers alike can see. Tensions between longer-term residents and newcomers can make it difficult to achieve political compromise within a community, and tensions between communities with different cultures can make regional cooperation difficult. These tensions often arise in transportation decision making e. In this regard too, places at one scale affect places at another—the social capital in a large region, for example, depends in part on the social capital existing in smaller places within the same region.

This social capital may have the same durability and slow-changing nature as the natural and built environments, but it is likely to have more in common with the built environment than the natural environment in this respect. In rural areas, most people have relatively infrequent interaction with other people and the interaction takes place at widely scattered points in space.

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This is due in large part to the low density of population and the low spatial concentration of work sites.